Chapter Twelve

Jonathan’s embassies to the Romans and Spartans (cf. Antt. XIII, 5, 8) (1 Macc 12:1-23). Jonathan’s and Simon’s further wars (1 Macc 12:24-34). The construction of fortresses in Judea (1 Macc 12:35-38). Trypho’s ambition to become king of Asia: Jonathan’s downfall (1 Macc 12:39-53).

1 Maccabees 12:1. Jonathan, seeing that the time was favorable for him, chose men and sent them to Rome to establish and renew friendship with the Romans, The ambassadors chosen to go to Rome to conclude the alliance were, as we learn further on (v. 16 and XIV:22), Numenius and Antipater.

1 Maccabees 12:2. and to the Spartans and to other places he sent letters about the same matter. From verse 16 it is clear that the same ambassadors who were in Rome also stopped by the Spartans to deliver the letter of the Jews and to conclude an alliance.

1 Maccabees 12:3–4. And they came to Rome, and entered the council, and said: “Jonathan the high priest and the Jewish people have sent us to renew friendship and alliance with you as before.” And there they were given letters to the local authorities, so that they might be conducted to the land of Judea in peace. The time of this embassy falls, in the opinion of some, on the year 169 or 168 of the Seleucid era — 144–143 or 143–142 BC — shortly after the capture of Carthage and Corinth.

1 Maccabees 12:5–6. Here is a copy of the letter that Jonathan wrote to the Spartans: “Jonathan the high priest and the elders of the people and the priests and the rest of the Jewish people to their brothers the Spartans — greetings. Here for the first time in our book the assembly of the “elders” of the people (ἡ γερουσία τοῦ ἔθνους) is mentioned — together with other representatives (the high priest and the priests) they formed the supreme Jewish administration (the “Jewish senate”). In 2 Macc 4:44 (cf. I:10 and 3 Macc 1:8) — this “council of elders” is mentioned already under Antiochus IV and V. No more precise information about its organization is available.

1 Maccabees 12:7. Previously, from Darius (Areus) who reigned among you, letters were sent to the high priest Onias, showing that you are our brothers, as the copy shows. Jonathan’s letter to the Spartans begins by recalling the earlier correspondence between the Jewish high priest Onias and Darius, who reigned among the Spartans (the correct form is Ἀρεύς). A precise copy of the latter’s address with declarations of brotherhood is appended immediately after the account of the new letter (vv. 20–23). — A question arises about more precisely dating the first correspondence and the persons involved. This question is not easy to resolve, given that history records three Oniases and three Areuses, while the succession of these Oniases noted by Josephus — after Simon — is completely identical in two instances, as is clear from the following: Onias (I), son of Jaddus; Simon (I) the Righteous, son of Onias I; Eleazar, Simon’s brother (20 years); Manasseh, uncle; Onias (II), son of Simon the Righteous; Simon (II), son of this Onias; and Onias (III), son of Simon II. If we ignore the brother and uncle between Simon I and Onias II his son, then the succession is completely identical in both cases: Onias (I), Simon (I), Onias (II); and again: Onias (II), Simon (II), Onias (III) — always father and son. The matter is equally entangled among the three Areuses. Two Spartan kings by that name are reliably attested: Areus I, who reigned — according to Diodorus XX, 29 — from 309–265 BC, and Areus II, who reigned around 255 BC but died at the age of eight (Pausanias, III, 66). Since Onias II can hardly have been a contemporary of Areus II, the only conclusion some commentators reach is that we must reckon as contemporaries only Areus I and Onias I (323–300 BC). The correspondence, therefore, falls in the time of the “Diadochi,” when the Spartans in their struggle with Antigonus and his son Demetrius Poliorcetes could naturally have conceived the idea of creating difficulties for their adversaries by establishing contacts in the east. — The immediate consequences of this correspondence and the Spartan-Jewish contacts are unknown. It is noteworthy, however, that in later times the former high priest Jason sought refuge precisely in Lacedaemon from his pursuers — showing that the idea of kinship between Jews and Spartans found practical application. As for the basis of this idea in biblical genealogies (“that they are brothers and of the stock of Abraham” — v. 21), after fruitless searches in the Bible itself we must seek those grounds perhaps only in Greek traditions about the Spartans’ descent from the Phoenicians. And how this notion could have appealed to Jewish hearts can be explained by the well-known tendency of this people to regard Judaism as the source of all cultural development.

1 Maccabees 12:8–9. And Onias received the man who was sent with honor, and received the letters, in which there was clear mention of alliance and friendship. We, however, although we have no need of these things, having as our consolation the sacred books that are in our hands, In what way were the sacred books a “consolation” for Israel and a substitute for alliance and friendship? — By nurturing the confidence that God was their protection and salvation, as was shown by their repeated deliverance from severe circumstances through special messengers of God.

1 Maccabees 12:10–11. nevertheless we undertook to send to you to renew the brotherhood and friendship, lest we become estranged from you, for much time has passed since you sent to us. We without fail at every opportunity, both on festivals and on other appointed days, remember you in our sacrifices and prayers, as it is right and proper to remember brothers. Prayer even for a pagan but considered kindred people could fully have been offered by Jews, like the prayers for their country’s pagan rulers.

1 Maccabees 12:12–16. We rejoice in your glory; as for us, many troubles and frequent wars have beset us, for the kings around us have made war against us. But we did not want to trouble you and our other allies and friends in these wars, for we have the help of heaven that helps us; we have been delivered from our enemies, and our enemies have been subdued. Now we have chosen Numenius son of Antiochus and Antipater son of Jason, and sent them to the Romans to renew friendship and the former alliance with them. The Jewish envoys bear Greek names, probably for greater convenience in dealings. Their identities are unknown; one thing seems likely — that Jason, the father of Antipater mentioned here, is the same one whom Judas had sent with Eupolemus to Rome (VIII:17).

1 Maccabees 12:17–23. We have instructed them to go also to you, to greet you and to deliver to you our letters about the renewal of our brotherhood with you as well. You will do well to reply to us about this.” Here also is the copy of the letters that Darius (Areus) sent: “Areus king of the Spartans to Onias the high priest — greetings. It has been found in writing concerning the Spartans and the Jews that they are brothers and of the stock of Abraham. Now that we have learned this, you will do well to write to us about your welfare. We, for our part, inform you: your livestock and your property are ours, and what is ours is yours. We have instructed that this be declared to you. The desire for mutual support with all one’s resources is here expressed in the form of a proverb, which of course does not require a literal interpretation.

1 Maccabees 12:24. And Jonathan heard that the commanders of Demetrius had returned with a larger army than before to make war against him, The account of Jonathan’s and Simon’s new wars is a continuation of the wars with the Syrian commanders in Galilee described above (XI:74 and earlier v. 67), who had now come “with a larger army than before” (XI:68).

1 Maccabees 12:25. and he went out from Jerusalem and met them in the region of Hamath, and did not give them time to enter his territory. The “region of Hamath,” where Jonathan met the enemy — ἡ Ἀμαθῖτις χώρα — is the country of the city of Hamath — otherwise Αἴμαθ (Num 34:8 and others; 2 Kgs 25:21 and others), or Ἡμάθ (2 Sam 8:9 and others) and Ἐμάθ (Josh 13:5 and others): a large city on the Orontes at the northern slope of Lebanon, still existing today under the name of Hamah.

1 Maccabees 12:26–30. And he sent scouts into their camp, who returned and reported to him that they were preparing to attack them that very night. Therefore, when the sun had set, Jonathan ordered his men to keep watch, to be armed and ready for battle throughout the night, and he posted advance sentries around the camp. And the enemy heard that Jonathan and his men had prepared for battle, and they were afraid and their hearts trembled, and they lit fires in their camp and departed. Jonathan and those who were with him did not know of this until morning, since they saw the fires burning. And Jonathan pursued them but could not overtake them, because they had crossed the river Eleutherus. On the river Eleutherus, see the note on XI:7. This river formed the boundary between Phoenicia and Syria; therefore Jonathan did not cross it, not wishing to carry the war into Syria itself.

1 Maccabees 12:31. Then Jonathan turned against the Arabs called the Zabadeans, struck them, and took their plunder. What prompted Jonathan to turn against the Arab tribe of the “Zabadeans” is unknown, as is the tribe itself. — The most probable suggestion is that the name of this tribe is connected with the name of the plain, village, and river Zebdini on the eastern spur of the Anti-Lebanon, directly on the map about 4 geographic miles northwest of Damascus.

1 Maccabees 12:32–34. Then, on his return, he came to Damascus and passed through all that region. And Simon went out and marched as far as Ascalon and the nearby fortresses, and turned toward Joppa and took possession of it, for he heard that (the people of Joppa) intended to hand the fortress over to the troops of Demetrius, and he stationed a garrison there to guard it. On Ascalon, see the note on X:86; on Joppa — on X:75. Joppa had already been taken earlier by Jonathan (X:75 and following), but it had probably been left under the protection of only the local city unit, which could be quite sufficient for peacetime. Now, however, when this fortress showed inclination toward Demetrius, Simon again “takes possession” of it and leaves a stronger Jewish garrison to guard the city.

1 Maccabees 12:35. And Jonathan returned and called together the elders of the people and consulted with them about building fortresses in Judea, raising the walls of Jerusalem, and erecting a high wall between the citadel and the city, so as to separate it from the city, making it stand alone with no buying or selling in it. “With no buying or selling in it,” cf. XII:49. — The plan was thus to starve out the citadel, which was indeed achieved.

1 Maccabees 12:37. When they had assembled to build the city and the wall by the brook on the east side had been reached, they built what is called the Chaphenatha. “By the brook” — that is, the Kidron — “on the east side.” In this place either no walls had survived at all or the remains were so weak that they could not bear the weight of new masonry. Here the builders constructed the Chaphenatha, as this section of the half-collapsed walls was apparently called.

1 Maccabees 12:38. And Simon built Adida in the Shephelah and fortified its gates and bars. Adida — Ἀδιδά — (more precisely in Hebrew, Ezra 2:33; Neh 11:34) — east of Lydda, where today el Hadithe is — a large village on the eastern bank at the mouth of the Wady — a place very important strategically for the defense of Judea from the side of the Shephelah. Here Vespasian later established his entrenchments while preparing for the siege of Jerusalem (Jos. bel. jud. IV, 9, 1).

1 Maccabees 12:39–40. Meanwhile Trypho was scheming to become king of Asia and to place the crown on himself and to raise his hand against king Antiochus; but he was afraid that Jonathan might hinder him and make war against him. Therefore he looked for an opportunity to capture Jonathan and kill him, and he set out and went to Beth-shan. “Beth-shan” — that is, Scythopolis, the modern Beisan; see the note on V:52.

1 Maccabees 12:41–45. And Jonathan went out to meet him with forty thousand chosen men ready for battle, and came to Beth-shan. When Trypho saw that Jonathan had come with a large army, he was afraid to raise his hand against him. He received him with honor and introduced him to all his friends, gave him gifts, commanded his troops to obey him as himself. Then he said to Jonathan: Why are you wearying all this people, when there is no war threatening us? Send them home now, and choose a few men to stay with you, and come with me to Ptolemais, and I will hand it over to you, along with the other fortresses and the remaining troops and all those in charge of revenue, and then I will return; for this is why I came here. Trypho here apparently promises Jonathan the governorship over the entire coastal region from Ptolemais to Joppa.

1 Maccabees 12:46–49. And Jonathan trusted him and did as he said, and dismissed his troops, and they went away to the land of Judea; with himself he kept three thousand men, two thousand of whom he left in Galilee, while one thousand went with him. But as soon as Jonathan entered Ptolemais, the people of Ptolemais shut the gates and seized him, and killed with the sword all who had come in with him. Then Trypho sent troops and cavalry into Galilee and the great plain to destroy all of Jonathan’s men. “The great plain” — that is, the Jezreel Valley; see the note on V:52.

1 Maccabees 12:50. But they, when they heard that Jonathan had been seized and had perished along with those with him, encouraged one another and went forward in close formation, ready to fight. “Having heard that Jonathan had been seized and had perished” — this was for now an exaggerated report, since Jonathan’s actual death came somewhat later (XIII:23).

1 Maccabees 12:51. And those who were pursuing them saw that it was a matter of life and death, and turned back. Seeing “that it was a matter of life and death” — ὅτι περὶ ψυχῆς αὐτοῖς ἐστι, in Slavonic: “that it is for their soul” — that is, as people still say today, that they were ready to fight not for their lives but to the death — the pursuers dared not harass the retreating men and turned back.

1 Maccabees 12:52–53. And they all came safely to the land of Judea and mourned for Jonathan and those who were with him, and they were in great fear, and all Israel wept bitterly. Then all the surrounding nations sought to destroy them, saying: now they have no leader and champion; let us now make war against them and blot out the memory of them from among people. * * * Notes The Books of Maccabees have been translated from the Greek, since no Hebrew text of them exists.