Chapter Thirteen

The new leader and ruler of Judea — Simon (cf. Antt. XIII, 6, 3, 4) (1 Macc 13:1-11). The struggle with Trypho (cf. Antt. XII, 6, 5 and following) (1 Macc 13:12-24). The burial of Jonathan at Modein and the perpetuation of the memory of the Maccabees by a magnificent monument (1 Macc 13:25-30). Trypho’s murder of Antiochus and seizure of his crown (1 Macc 13:31-32). Simon’s fortification of Judea and negotiations with Demetrius (1 Macc 13:33-40). Complete freedom from the yoke of the pagans (1 Macc 13:41-42). The capture of Gaza (cf. Antt. XIII, 6, 7) (1 Macc 13:43-48). The taking of the Jerusalem citadel (1 Macc 13:49-53).

1 Maccabees 13:1. Simon heard that Trypho had gathered a large army to march into the land of Judea and lay it waste. “To lay waste” the country — ἐκτρίβειν γῆν — “to crush” (Slavonic), to raze to the ground — by fresh devastations, plundering, taking captive, and slaughtering its inhabitants; cf. v. 20; XIV:31.

1 Maccabees 13:2. And, seeing that the people were afraid and trembling, he went up to Jerusalem and gathered the people. “The people” — τὸν λαόν — in the persons of their representatives and most influential men.

1 Maccabees 13:3. And, encouraging them, he said to them: you yourselves know how much I and my brothers and the house of my father have done for these laws and the sanctuary; you know the wars and the oppressions we have endured. “The house of my father” — the brothers, children, and relatives of Mattathias in general (II:16).

1 Maccabees 13:4. Therefore all my brothers have perished for Israel, and I alone am left. Simon here regards Jonathan as already dead, having no hope at all of his release, even though his actual killing occurred later (cf. XII:50). — The deaths of the other brothers are described in VI:43 and following; IX:16 and following, 38, 42.

1 Maccabees 13:5–11. And now let it not be that I should spare my life at any time of oppression, for I am no better than my brothers. But I will avenge my people and the sanctuary, and our wives and children, for all the nations have united to destroy us out of hostility. And the spirit of the people blazed as soon as they heard these words; and they answered with a loud voice, and said: you are our leader in place of Judas and Jonathan your brother. Fight our battle, and whatever you tell us, we will do. Then he gathered all the men of war, and hurried to complete the walls of Jerusalem and fortified it on every side. Then he sent Jonathan son of Absalom, and with him a sufficient number of troops to Joppa, and he drove out those who were in it and remained there. According to XII:33 and following, Simon had already taken Joppa earlier and left a Jewish detachment in it. There is no contradiction here, however, since what is at issue is actually the reinforcement of the Joppa garrison, while those expelled — “who were in it,” that is, in the fortress — are understood to be not the forces of Demetrius or Trypho, but probably those inhabitants of the city about whom one might fear that they would hand the city over to Trypho (Antt. XIII, 6, 3).

1 Maccabees 13:12–13. Meanwhile Trypho set out from Ptolemais with a large army to enter the land of Judea; with him was Jonathan under guard. Simon camped at Adida facing the plain. On Adida, see the note on XII:38.

1 Maccabees 13:14–15. When Trypho learned that Simon had taken the place of his brother Jonathan and was intending to engage him in battle, he sent envoys to him saying: it is on account of the silver that your brother Jonathan owed to the royal treasury for the duties he had that we have detained him. The appeal to Jonathan’s debt was merely a pretext, a cunning (v. 17) justification of his cruel intentions, which had been correctly interpreted earlier (XII:40) and well understood by Simon. The plausibility of this appeal to Jonathan’s debt appeared in his promise to Demetrius of 300 talents for the exemption of Judea from taxes (XI:28). However, Trypho could not make such claims for the very reason that Demetrius had been deposed by him, and the Antiochus whom he newly installed had confirmed Jonathan’s rights without any prior conditions or financial obligations (XI:57).

1 Maccabees 13:16–18. So send now a hundred talents of silver and two of his sons as hostages, so that when released he will not defect from us — and we will release him. Simon understood that they were speaking to him deceitfully, but he sent the silver and the children, lest he bring great odium upon himself from the people, who would say: it is because I did not send him the silver and the children that Jonathan has perished. Despite his certainty that Trypho was acting treacherously, Simon nonetheless sends him the money and the hostages, so as to remove all responsibility for his brother, and so that the people would see that he valued neither money nor his own command above the life of the hapless prisoner.

1 Maccabees 13:19–20. He therefore sent the children and a hundred talents; but Trypho deceived and did not release Jonathan. After this Trypho set out to invade the country and destroy it, and went by a roundabout way to Adora. But Simon and his army followed him wherever he went. Adora — Ἀδορά — 2 Chr 11:9 — the modern Dura — a village 2½ hours west of Hebron, which at that time belonged, in all likelihood, to Idumea. From there Trypho hoped to penetrate more easily into the Judean hills and break through to Jerusalem from the direction of Hebron.

1 Maccabees 13:21. Those who were in the citadel sent envoys to Trypho, urging him to come to them through the desert and to send them provisions. “Those who were in the citadel” — that is, the Jerusalem citadel, which was already beginning to feel a severe shortage of supplies, cut off by the wall from any communication with the city (XII:36). — “Through the desert” — that is, the Judean desert on the western side of the Dead Sea.

1 Maccabees 13:22. And Trypho prepared all his cavalry to march that very night, but there was very heavy snow, and he did not go because of the snow; he departed instead and went into Gilead. In response to the plea of the starving garrison, Trypho readied “all his cavalry” for a march “that very night,” obviously with provisions. But the “very heavy snow” that fell that night disrupted this enterprise. Snow falls in Jerusalem and its surroundings quite often, especially in January and February, sometimes to a depth of a foot or more. But it almost never lies long. In February 1797, as a rare exception, deep snow lay for 12–13 days in Jerusalem; in 1818 — for 5 days, a foot deep.

1 Maccabees 13:23. But when he drew near to Bascama, he killed Jonathan, and he was buried there. Bascama, near which Jonathan perished — in Greek Βασκαμά (in Josephus Βασκά) — is completely unknown.

1 Maccabees 13:24–27. And Trypho turned and went away to his own land. Then Simon sent and took the bones of Jonathan his brother, and buried them in Modein, the city of his fathers. And all Israel mourned for him with a bitter mourning, and lamented him for many days. And Simon built a monument over the tomb of his father and his brothers, and raised it high to make it impressive, with polished stone at the front and back, “To make it impressive” — τῇ ὁράσει — in Slavonic: “raised it in appearance” — that is, so that it could be seen better.

1 Maccabees 13:28. and set up on it seven pyramids, one opposite the other, for his father and mother and four brothers; “Seven pyramids — for his father and mother and four brothers” — the seventh, therefore, for himself, in the hope that he would be laid there as well.

1 Maccabees 13:29. and he made artistic ornaments for them, setting up tall columns around them, and on the columns full suits of armor as an everlasting memorial, and beside the armor carved ships, so that they could be seen by all who sailed the sea. “Carved ships” were meant to represent the maritime connection the Jews had opened with foreign nations through the capture of Joppa.

1 Maccabees 13:30. This tomb which he made in Modein stands to this day. “Stands to this day” — that is, to the time of the author of our book. Since Modein lay near Lydda (see the note on II:1) and the mausoleum built there could be seen from the sea, it is believed that it stood either at the site of the modern village of el Burdsch, where on the very highest point of the hill travelers recently noted two pyramid-shaped mounds of rubble with a fine view of the sea — or more probably at the site of the modern el Midjeh (also el Mediyeh), 2½ hours east of Lydda, where traces of graves and tombs are still visible under the name of Kubur el Yahud — the graves of the Jews. From this place not only is there a clear view of the sea, but the height is in general very suited so that, without needing excessively tall pyramids, one could make them clearly visible from the sea, which is only 3½ miles away, especially in the light of the sun.

1 Maccabees 13:31. But Trypho treacherously set out with the young king Antiochus and killed him, The event of the killing of the young Antiochus by Trypho the author places immediately after the capture and murder of Jonathan, and before the campaign of Demetrius into Media mentioned below at XIV:1 and following, where he also perished. Josephus is far more correct — in agreement with Diod. Sic. (in Müller’s Fragm. hist. gr. II, p. XIX, Nr. 25), Appian. Syr. 68 and Justin, Hist. XXXVI, 1, 7 — in placing the death of Antiochus after Demetrius’s campaign and his death in Media. Indeed, Demetrius becomes king in year 167 of the Seleucid era (XI:19), and around the same time (after Demetrius’s disbanding of troops, XI:38–40 and 54) Trypho makes the infant Antiochus king, who was — according to Livy Epit. LII — only two years old; and since — according to another testimony, Livy Epit. LV — Antiochus perished as a ten-year-old boy, he therefore reigned eight years. Meanwhile, Demetrius, who in any case became king before Antiochus, reigned — judging from the data in the book (cf. X:67 and XIV:1) — only seven years. Evidently, either the reign of Antiochus must be set at less than eight years, or the time of his death must be placed beyond Demetrius’s death in Media by at least one year.

1 Maccabees 13:32. and reigned in his place and put the crown of Asia on himself, and brought great destruction upon the land. 1 Macc 13:31-32: “But Trypho treacherously set out” — ἐπορεύετο δόλῳ, more precisely in Slavonic: “he walked with cunning” — that is, he conducted himself deceitfully, analogously to the expression πορεύεσθαι σοφίᾳ (Prov 28:26) — “to walk in wisdom” — apostolic: “walk in wisdom toward those who are outside” — “the crown of Asia,” as in VIII:6.

1 Maccabees 13:33–36. But Simon built fortresses in Judea, fortifying them with high towers and great walls, with gates and bars, and stored food in the fortresses. Then Simon chose men and sent them to king Demetrius to ask him to grant relief to the country, for all the actions of Trypho were those of a plunderer. And king Demetrius sent him a reply to these words and wrote a letter as follows: “King Demetrius to Simon the high priest and friend of kings, and to the elders and the Jewish people — greetings. “Friend of kings” — φίλῳ βασιλέων. The plural — βασιλέων — here probably means that Simon is to hold the dignity of “friend” not only under Demetrius but also under his successors on the throne.

1 Maccabees 13:37. The golden crown and the palm branch that you sent we have received, and we are ready to make complete peace with you and to write to those in charge of revenue to remit your tribute. Simon sends Demetrius “a golden crown and a palm branch” (τὴν βαΐνην), which was probably also of pure gold (cf. 2 Macc 14:4).

1 Maccabees 13:38–39. And all that we have decreed concerning you shall remain in force, and the fortresses that you have built shall remain yours. We also pardon your offenses and oversights up to this day and remit the crown tax which you were obliged to pay, and if anything else has been levied in Jerusalem, let it be levied no more. “The crown tax,” which Demetrius I, Soter, had also promised to abolish (see the note on X:29).

1 Maccabees 13:40–42. And if any of you are qualified to be enrolled among those who serve us, let them be enrolled, and let there be peace between us.” In the one hundred and seventieth year the yoke of the pagans was removed from Israel; and the people of Israel in their correspondence and agreements began to write: “In the first year under Simon the great high priest, leader and ruler of the Jews. “In the year 170” of the Seleucid era — 143–142 BC. — “The removal of the yoke of the pagans” from Israel did not eliminate his ultimate dependence on the Syrian king: this is evident not only from the very tone of the royal letter in vv. 36–40, but also from the subsequent course of events — XIV:38 and following. — The high priest, under the new arrangement, was only an independent ruler of his people’s affairs, under the sovereignty of the Syrian king, and received the title of “ethnarch” (ἐθνάρχος, XIV:47; XV:1 and following). — No documents with the new chronological reckoning established under Simon have survived, since for official dating purposes the Seleucid era remained in use (XIV:27). — No coins minted under Simon have survived either.

1 Maccabees 13:43. At that time Simon attacked Gaza, surrounded it with his troops, built siege engines and brought them up to the city, breached one tower, and captured it. “Gaza” — ἐπὶ Γάζαν. The variant reading ἐπὶ Γάζαρα — “Gazara” — is considered more correct here. In favor of this: first, in the enumeration of Simon’s achievements (XIV:5 and following), the capture and fortification of Beth-zur, Joppa, and Gazara is specifically noted. This very Gazara is mentioned again among Simon’s conquests disputed by Antiochus VII (XV:28; XIV:1). But while there are clear passages about the capture of Beth-zur and Joppa (XI:65 and following; XII:33 and following), the capture of Gazara can be placed only here, reading ἐπὶ Γάζαρα instead of ἐπὶ Γάζα. Second, as can be seen from v. 48, Simon, after taking the fortress, built a residence for himself in it: this accords perfectly with the fact that his son John settled in Gazara (v. 53). Third, the report in XIV:34 that Simon “fortified Gazara on the border of Azotus, in which enemies had previously lived, and settled Jews there” — clearly points back to the previously described capture of this city (XIII:47 and following), and the very geographical addition to the city’s name leaves no doubt here that XIII:47 refers to the conquest of Gazara, not Gaza. Finally, the entire subsequent war (forty years later) of the Jews with Gaza would be a puzzle if this fortress had already been taken and its population changed. It is thus clear that Gazara should be understood here instead of Gaza.

1 Maccabees 13:44–48. Those who were on the engine leaped into the city, and great tumult arose in the city. And the citizens went up on the wall with their wives and children, tearing their garments, and they cried out aloud, begging Simon to grant them mercy, saying: treat us not according to our evil deeds but according to your mercy. And Simon had compassion on them and did not fight against them, but he drove them from the city and cleansed the houses in which idols had been, and so he entered the city with hymns and blessings. He removed from it all that was unclean, and settled there men who observed the law, and strengthened it, and built himself a residence there. “All that was unclean” — in Greek: πᾶσαν ἀκαθαρσίαν, more precisely in Slavonic: “every uncleanness” — that is, all objects of idolatry and pagan impiety.

1 Maccabees 13:49–50. Those who were in the Jerusalem citadel were not permitted to go out or to enter the country, or to buy or sell, and they suffered severe hunger, and many of them perished from famine. Then they cried out to Simon for peace, and he granted it to them, but drove them out from there and cleansed the citadel from its defilement, “They cried out to Simon for peace” — ἐβόησαν δεξιὰς λαβεῖν, more precisely in Slavonic: “they cried out to Simon to receive the right hand.”

1 Maccabees 13:51. and entered it on the twenty-third day of the second month of the one hundred and seventy-first year with hymns, palm branches, with harps, cymbals, and lyres, with psalms and songs, for a great enemy of Israel had been crushed. “On the 23rd day of the 2nd month of the year 171” of the Seleucid era — 141 BC. — “With palm branches,” as symbols of peace and triumph (cf. 2 Macc 10:7; John 12:13). — “A great enemy of Israel had been crushed.” As long as the citadel of the Jewish capital was in the hands of the Syrians, the Jews could not regard their independence as secure despite all their victories. The achievement of this independence and the removal of the Syrian garrison from Jerusalem was the result of such a weakening of Syria that it was possible to speak of the “crushing” of this most important enemy of Israel.

1 Maccabees 13:52. And he decreed that this day should be celebrated every year with joy, and he strengthened the temple mount that was next to the citadel, and settled there himself and those with him. The establishment of an annual celebration of the day of Jerusalem’s liberation from the pagans (similar to IV:59) apparently did not remain in force for long; at least, in subsequent times nothing more is mentioned about this festival.

1 Maccabees 13:53. And Simon saw that his son John had come of age, and he appointed him commander over all the forces, and he settled in Gazara. This son of Simon — John — was the subsequent high priest, Prince John Hyrcanus. * * * Notes The Books of Maccabees have been translated from the Greek, since no Hebrew text of them exists.